| Where
Does School Violence Come From?
There
are two core assumptions upon which most experts on the subject
of school violence agree: 1) Violence is largely a learned behavior
and 2) It enters schools from the streets and homes of the communities
they serve.
However,
the findings of a highly regarded Canadian study suggest that
physical aggression may be an inherent behavior that is, in most
children, effectively discouraged as they mature. The National
Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY) tracked maternal
reports of levels of physical aggression in their children from
infancy. It found that the most physically aggressive period
in a child’s maturation to age 12 is 24 months—a finding likely
to be heartily seconded by any parent or older sibling who has
lived through the “terrible twos.”
From
that point, with two lesser spikes at 36 and 42 months, the incidence
of violent aggression declines throughout childhood. The obvious implication is that
physical aggressiveness isn’t taught in the home and on the street,
but that the child’s environment encourages—or at least fails
to discourage—its continuation.
Advocates
of either view, of course, will argue that intervention to discourage
physical aggressiveness should start at an early age. And either
theory is consistent with the belief that violence that begins
in childhood is more serious and persistent than violence that
begins in adolescence.
Indeed,
the trajectory of physical aggression reported in the NLSCY showed
no adolescent spike in violent behavior. What does increase
as the child matures is the level of indirect aggression—rumor-mongering,
exclusion from groups and social events, spreading slanders—which
is more commonly associated with girls than boys.
That
suggests that physical aggression self-limits in most youngsters
because it increasingly fails to achieve its purpose and often
gets its practitioner hurt or in trouble, while indirect aggression
is subtle enough to proceed beneath adult radar and hurtful enough
to reward its user. Indeed, the popular literature on the subject,
(e.g., Rosalind Wiseman’s Queen Bees and Wannabees)
portrays a “girl world” alive with a chilling and subtle cruelty
worthy of the venomous aristocracy of Louis XIV’s Versailles.
As one expert observed, “It appears that girls don’t get a copy
of the rules for fighting fair.”
All
authorities agree that adolescent males also engage in indirect
aggression, mostly directed at disparaging a peer’s sexuality
or physical prowess, or telling tales, true or false, about their
own dalliances—thus besmirching the reputation of the girl. But
it would appear that most would be well advised never to pit their
skills at indirect aggression against those of an accomplished
eighth grade girl.
To
the degree that adolescent-onset violence does exist, there are
suggestions in the literature that it is attributable to the shift
in focus from the family to peers that occurs in adolescence.
A plausible case can be made for attributing at least a significant
amount of teen-onset violence to the influence of delinquent peers
on a relatively non-violent adolescent, who subsequently rejects
that influence and returns to a low-violence pattern of behavior.
This would account for the relatively low levels of violence attributed
to those identified as teen-onset participants.
If
those who completely discount the existence of true adolescent
onset aggression are correct, what may be misread as a physical
aggression spike may be the increased visibility of such behavior
stemming from the greater physical power, mobility and access
to weapons that occurs in adolescence. The inhibition-lowering
effects of drugs and alcohol also may produce a more intense—and
therefore noticeable—level of violent aggression. Even the NLSCY
identifies a constant 3.5 percent of youngsters who are physically
aggressive at every age.
Regardless
of the theory applied to explain its origins, it is generally
accepted that the violence in schools enters with the students
from the neighborhoods the school serves. As visible and tragic
as events like the Columbine shootings are, the vast majority
of student violence is still what it always was—fistfights, bullying
and shoving matches.
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